Russia-America Strategic Competition: International Dimensions and Consequences

Document Type : Research Paper

Authors

1 Associate Professor, Department of Russian Studies, Faculty of World Studies, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran

2 Ph.D. Candidate in Russian Studies, Faculty of World Studies, University of Tehran, Tehran. Iran

Abstract

Introduction: At the beginning of the third decade of the new century, the relations between Russia and the United States have become more hostile than ever. After the Ukraine crisis of 2014, the political process of resuming relations, which was proposed by the so-called “Reset” in 2009, completely ended and the two sides began to face each other on some global issues after two decades. Basically, relations among Russia and the United States play an important role in the world politics. As various analysts claim that Moscow and Washington have emerged as nuclear superpowers, by maintaining a significant influence on the process of international affairs, if they maintain partnership and cooperations, they can make a significant contribution to solving global problems such as fighting terrorism, preventing drug trafficing, cooperation in the field of energy and preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. But these cooperations continued only for a decade and with the Ukraine crisis and Russia's strong criticism of the expansion of NATO in Eastern Europe, it turned into a major global tension.
Research Question: What are the important international implications of the strategic competition between Russia and the United States?
Research Hypothesis: It has been hypothesized that Russia's competition with the United States in strategic matters has led to the aggressiveness of its foreign policy to the point of war with Europe. If this trend continues and the structures left over from the post-World War II and the Cold War era, such as the United Nations and the strategic arms control system are destroyed, the world will face a very big crisis followed by widespread chaos.
Methodology and Theoretical Framework: Our theoretical approach is strategic realism based on the components of Thomas Schilling, which emphasizes the limited and wise use of power to prevent a full-scale nuclear war. In this research, we have used the method of qualitative analysis and explanation with the approach of selective content analysis of data and at the same time the specialized analysis of the subject under discussion has also been taken into consideration.
 Results and Discussion: It seems that a major part of this strategic competition is due to the idea that from the Kremlin's point of view, the United States and its allies have observed the feeling of insecurity in Russia by exerting pressure on this country in the strategic space. Russia's opposition to the expansion of NATO to Eastern Europe is due to the fact that by changing the military-strategic point of view, this issue not only leads to greater vulnerability of Russia, but also provides the basis for creating new spaces for the influence of western powers. Kremlin leaders are trying to make Russia play a role in important international issues by becoming a great power. Weakening the United States is one of the ways to achieve this goal. Given Moscow's understanding of the growing decline of the liberal world order, Russia wants to fill this void and play a role in it. By not accepting the international system and regional arrangements that were established after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia has sought to return to the international system after the end of World War II. As a result, Russia is placed among powers that determine the fate of the world. They compete with each other and mutual respect for interests and spheres of influence is the only factor preventing this competition. Russia does not recognize the idea of a rules-based order promoted by the US and the West, as the West seeks to create rules and impose them on the world community.
Conclusion: Examining the contexts, dimensions and consequences of the strategic competition between Russia and the US, shows that Russia's view of the international system is geopolitical, security and realistic, which has made international relations a dangerous and unreliable environment. Although this attitude on the US side is justified with less hardware concepts, in practice it is not much different from Russia and has continued to expand its rival military alliance. Despite such a tense, critical and military atmosphere, both great powers have refused to enter into a big and direct war with each other based on Thomas Schilling's strategic realism, because the strategic wisdom of their elites is well aware of the terrible dimensions of such a war and in the 2022 war in Ukraine, we saw that in order to preserve their existence, the two sides did not enter each other's red lines but the military adventures were drawn into a direct confrontation. But the main issue in the competition between the United States and Russia is the situation of "global strategic stability". This concept means the balance of fear between Moscow and Washington, which is considered the guarantor of global stability and security. Despite many ups and downs, the Russians still emphasize it and in all their strategic documents, including the latest foreign policy planning document published on March 31, 2023, they still consider it the main guarantor of peace and security. It seems that the war in Ukraine has dealt a final blow to this concept and it will be difficult to revive it. The world will enter a more dangerous period after this situation.

Keywords


Acharya, Amitav (2014), The End of American World Order, Cambridge: Polity.
Bolton, Kerry (2018), Russia and the Fight against Globalization, London: Black House.
Brooks, Stephen and William Wohlforth (2008), World out of Balance: International Relations and the Challenge of American Primacy, Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Charap, Samuel and Jeremy Shapiro (2016), “US–Russian Relations: The Middle Cannot Hold”, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, Vol. 72, No. 3, pp. 150-155 (doi: 10.1080/00963402.2016.1170366).
Doeser, Fredrik and Filip Frantzen (2020), The Strategic and Realist Perspectives: An Ambiguous Relationship, Published online: 02 Dec. 2020, Download Citation (doi: 10.1080/01402390.2020.1833860).
Frear, Mathew and Honorata Mazepus (2021), “Security, Civilisation and Modernisation: Continuity and Change in the Russian Foreign Policy Discourse”, Europe-Asia Studies, Vol. 73, No. 2, pp. 1-21, (doi:  10.1080/09668136.2020.1843601).
Herd, Graeme (2022), Russian Strategic Behavior: Imperial Strategic Culture and Putin’s Operational Code, New York: Routledge. 
Iasiello, Emilio (2017), “Russia’s Improved Information Operations: From Georgia to Crimea”, Parameters, Vol. 47, No. 2, pp. 51-63, (doi. 10.55540/0031-1723.2931).
Inkster, Nigel (2016), “Information Warfare and the United States Presidential Election", Survival, Vol. 58, No. 5, pp. 23–32 (doi: 10.1080/00396338. 2016.1231527).
Jackson, Robert and Georg Sorenson (2004), An Introduction to International Relations, translated by Mehdi Zakarian, Ahmad Taghizadeh and Hassan Saeed Kolahi, Tehran, Mizan Publishing.
Kanet, Roger and Dina Moulioukova (2021), Russia and the World in the Putin Era: from Theory to Reality in Russian Global Strategy, New York: Routledge.
Koolaee, Elaheh and Diako Hoseini (2021), “Reflectio Role of American Exceptionalism in the Failure of the Reset Policy between US and Russia”, Quarterly Journal of Strategic Studies of Public Policy, Vol. 11, No. 38, pp. 3-112, Available at: http://sspp.iranjournals.ir/article_245345.html. (Accessed on: 2022/7/26) [in Persian].
Kotkin, Stephen (2016), “Russia's Perpetual Geopolitics: Putin Returns to the Historical Pattern”, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 95, No. 3, pp. 2-9, Available at: https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/ukraine/2016-04-18/russias-perpetual-geopolitics. (Accessed on: 2022/3/23).
Kramer, Mark (2009), “The Myth of a No-NATO-Enlargement Pledge to Russia”, Washington Quarterly, Vol. 32, No. 2, pp. 39-61, (doi: 10.1080/ 01636600902773248).
Leichtova, Magda (2014), Misunderstanding Russia Russian Foreign Policy and the West, Farnham: Ashgate.
Lubina, Michał (2017), Geopolitics and Beyond: Bilateral Political Relations 1991-2017, in: Russia and China: A Political Marriage of Convenience – Stable and Successful, Berlin: Barbara Budrich.
Mearsheimer, John (2014), “Why the Ukraine Crisis Is the West’s Fault: The Liberal Delusions That Provoked Putin”, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 93, No. 5, pp. 77-89, Available at http://www.mearsheimer.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/Why-the-Ukraine-Crisis-Is.pdf (Accessed on: 2022/3/9).
Moshirzadeh, Homaira (2018), Evolution in Theories of International Relations, Tehran, SAMT, [in Persian].
Oates, Sarah (2017), “Kompromat Goes Global? Assessing a Russian Media Tool in the United States”, Slavic Review, Vol. 76, No. 1, pp. S57–S65, (doi: 10.1017/slr.2017.158).
Ranjkesh, Mohammad Javad and Navid Reza Latifan (2016), “Analysis of the Effects of Competition between United States and Russia on Regional Convergence and Divergence of Central Asia, From 2001 to 2008”, Central Eurasia Studies, Vol. 9, No. 2, pp. 269-288 (doi: 10.22059/JCEP.2016. 60541), [in Persian].
Sajjadpour, Mohammad Kazem and Fatemeh Taftian (2012), “US-Russia Relations in a Neoconservative Era (2000-2008) Cooperation and Tension”, International Relations Research Quarterly, Vol. 1, No. 2 pp. 73-100 [in Persian].
Shevtsova, Lilia (2005), Putin’s Russia, Washington: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
Smith, Nicholas (2019), A New Cold War? Assessing the Current US-Russia Relationship, Cham: Palgrave.
Takhshid, Mohammad Reza and Morteza Shoja (2023), “Analysis of Russian Missile Defense Systems in the Lense of Neo-Clasical Realism”, Central Eurasia Studies, Vol. 15, No. 2, pp. 129-150, (doi: 10.22059/ JCEP.2023.324174.450005) [In Persian].
Taylor, Brian (2018), the Code if Putinism, New York: Oxford.
Wood, Tony (2018), Rusia without Putin: Money, Power and the Myths of the New Cold War, London: Verso.
Афроимович, Неймарк (2020), Эволюция Внешнеполитической Стратегии России, Москва: Проспект.
Большаков, Владимир (2017), Путин в 2018 году, Москва: ТД Алгоритм.
Борисова, Юлия (2018), “зультаты «поворота» на восток в контексте введения новых антироссийских санкций ”, Москва, Международные отношения и мировая политика, Vol. 5,  No.1, pp. 50-58, (doi:10.24975/2313-8920-2018-5-1-50-58).
Казаринова, Дарья (2018), “Холодная Война И Мир: “Россия Против Всех” И Четыре Мировых Порядка ”, Политические исследования, Vol. 14, No. 4, pp. 177-184, (doi: 10.17976/jpps/2018.04.14).
Киреев, А. А, Д.В. Буяров, С.В. Кухаренко, Д.В. Кузнецов (2015), Россия, Сша и Китай в современном мире: Взаимные Представления Российской, Американской и Китайской Молодежи, Москва: БГПУ.
Лукин, А.В (2014), Поворот к Азии. Российская внешняя политика на рубеже веков и ее активизация на восточном направлении, Москва: Весь Мир.
Неймарк, Марк (2020), “Внешняя политика России: от «нового мышления» к новому стратегическому мышлению”, Post-Soviet Issues, Vol. 7, No. 2, pp. 171-189, (doi: 10.24975/2313-8920-2020-7-2-171-189).
Носов, Михаил (2019), “Поворот На Восток: Итоги Пяти Лет”, Научно-аналитический вестник ИЕ РАН, No. 2, (doi: 10.15211/ vestnikieran22019612).
Савин, Л.В (2020), “Внешняя политика России в XXI веке: итоги двадцатилетия Многополярность и внешняя политика России”, Постсоветские исследования, Vol. 3, No. 1, pp. 9-18, (doi: 10.24411/2618-7426-2020-00001).