نوع مقاله : مقاله پژوهشی
نویسندگان
1 استاد، گروه روابط بینالملل، دانشکدۀ حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران.
2 دانشآموختۀ کارشناسی ارشد روابط بینالملل، دانشکدۀ حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران
چکیده
کلیدواژهها
عنوان مقاله [English]
نویسندگان [English]
Introduction: Throughout the Cold War, Türkiye’s Kemalist geopolitical outlook necessitated an alliance with the West and fostered a comparatively passive approach to regional developments, particularly within West Asia. The ascent of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) to power, however, underscored the imperative to re-evaluate the country’s geopolitical definition. According to the new elite, Türkiye needed to extricate itself from dependency on the West and its Western interests. Instead, the focus shifted towards pursuing an assertive foreign policy in its immediate neighborhood with a particular emphasis on West Asia. The primary objective of this study is to explain the transition toward this new geopolitical posture and, by extension, the resultant shift in Türkiye’s foreign policy. This transformation is particularly significant for both regional politics and the broader landscape of international relations.
Research question: How did the transformation of Türkiye’s geopolitical view of West Asia become possible between 2003 and 2025?
Hypothesis: The core argument presented here is that the redefinition of national identity from a Pro-Western stance to a Neo-Ottomanist one and the subsequent evolution of understandings of national interests enabled the changes in Türkiye’s geopolitical perspective on West Asia.
Methodology and theoretical framework: The theoretical underpinings of this study are firmly rooted in Constructivism. From this perspective, alterations in foreign policy, encompassing geopolitical understandings and positions, are attributable to shifts in identity. In this context, the insights of scholars such as Ted Hopf and Michael Barnett, who emphasize the significance of domestic influences and, critically, the processes in which identities are formed, re-formed, and transformed, are instrumental in explaining Türkiye’s foreign policy evolution. Hopf, in particular, views the domestic social environment as a crucible for the redefinition by elites and decision-makers. Barnett complements this by underscoring the significance and agency of domestic identity resources, taking into account the identity debates within countries and the political philosophies of ruling elites.
The methodology employed in this article focuses on clarifying the causal mechanisms inherent in the process of change. Consequently, process tracing in this study involves an examination of the causal pathways connecting shifts in identity to transformations in foreign policy.
Results and discussion: Kemalism led to a detachment from the Middle East/West Asia, the Islamic world, and the Arab world. The Kemalist discourse or ideology, however, was progressively challenged by intellectual currents that lauded and reinterpreted the Ottoman past, advocating for a return to its core values. Among the most influential thinkers in this intellectual milieu was Necip Fazıl Kısakürek (1904–1983), who proposed a revisionist historical interpretation of the Ottoman era as a counter-narrative to Kemalism. In his framework, Sunni Islam was posited as the primary source of national identity, Western cultural influences were largely eschewed and the perceived superiority of Islamic culture was emphasized. In this re-evaluation of Ottomanism, often termed Neo-Ottomanism, Kısakürek’s Islamism also integrated Turkish nationalism.
Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has, on numerous occasions, articulated his intellectual and theoretical affinity for Kısakürek. The emergent generation of Islamists, including Erdoğan, have largley rejected integration with the West, advocating instead for robust relations with neighboring and predominantly Muslim countries. The Justice and Development Party, under Erdoğan's leadership, has redefined Türkiye’s national identity through the incorporation of Neo-Ottomanist tenets. The influence of Neo-Ottomanist policies has extended beyond the external realm to spread throughout Turkish society and national consciousness over the past two decades. From a foreign policy perspective, the fusion of Turkish and Islamic elements within Neo-Ottomanism has become the dominant paradigm in reshaping the country’s geopolitical outlook. Within this paradigm, AKP elites, by presenting a new interpretation of national identity and redefining national interests, have strategically pivoted Türkiye's geopolitical focus towards its neighboring states and significant regional state and non-state actors in West Asia.
Following Erdogan's critical remarks in 2008, the “lower chair crisis”, the Mavi Marmara incident, Turkish policies concerning Iran's nuclear program became evident in its opposition alongside Brazil and Iran, in the interim agreement on Iran’s nuclear program in 2010. Post-Arab Spring, Erdoğan's administration demonstrated opposition to the ouster of Mohamed Morsi in Egypt and provided substantial support to Qatar during its blockade in 2017. Beyond Erdoğan's extensive engagement with Hamas leadership, Türkiye severed diplomatic ties with Israel in May 2024. During this period, a significant point of contention between Ankara and Washington involved Türkiye's alleged role in facilitating sanctions circumvention for Iran and its cooperation with Iranian businessman Reza Zarrab. Furthermore, Türkiye has undertaken extensive involvement in the Syrian crisis, participating in the “Astana Process” in conjunction with Russia and Iran. Ultimately, by December 2024, Türkiye emerged as a pivotal factor in regime change in the Syrian regime change dynamics, marking the inception of a competitive and conflictual relationship with Israel within that country.
Conclusion: Over the past two decades, as Türkiye has pursued a more independent foreign policy orientation, its sense of responsibility towards Western issues has demonstrably waned. Erdogan's political philosophy represents a natural and predictable evolution from Kemalism, the moderate Neo-Ottomanism of Turgut Özal, and the more radical Islamism of Necmettin Erbakan. A salient observation is the inherent identity and civilizational divergence between Türkiye and the West. In contrast to the top-down authoritarian attempts under Kemalism to deny, conceal, or at least diminish this difference, the Justice and Development Party has successfully integrated national and state identity through a pragmatic Islamist approach. This dynamic illustrates the dialectical interplay between domestic ideational forces and foreign policy outcomes.
کلیدواژهها [English]
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