عوامل مؤثر بر سیاست دولت روسیه در برابر جریان‌های اسلامی روسی

نوع مقاله : مقاله پژوهشی

نویسندگان

1 دانشیار علوم سیاسی و روابط بین‌الملل، گروه سیاست منطقه‌ای و جهانی، دانشکدۀ اقتصاد و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی

2 دانشجوی دکتری روابط بین‌الملل، گروه سیاست منطقه‌ای و جهانی، دانشکدۀ اقتصاد و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی

10.22059/jcep.2022.339009.450062

چکیده

موضوع این پژوهش بررسی عوامل مؤثر بر سیاست دولت روسیه در برابر جریان‌های اسلامی روسی به‌عنوان گروهی از اقلیت‌های با اهمیت در این کشور در سال‌های ۱۹۹۱ تا ۲۰۲۱ است. در این نوشتار به‌د‌نبال پاسخ این پرسش هستیم که چرا سیاست دولت روسیه در برابر جریان‌های اسلامی در این کشور میان کنترل، تقابل و تعامل در نوسان بوده است؟ در پاسخ این فرضیه مطرح می‌شود که سیاست دولت مرکزی روسیه در قبال جریان‌های اسلامی به‌دلیل برخی عوامل داخلی مانند ماهیت نظام سیاسی اقتدارگرای هیبریدی و برخی عوامل خارجی مانند تحولات جهان اسلام از جمله برآمدن طالبان، القاعده و داعش و تأثیرهای امنیتی آن بر کشورهایی مانند روسیه که جمعیت قابل توجه مسلمان دارند، بیشتر به‌شکل کنترل، تقابل و تعامل در نوسان بوده است. روش این پژوهش در زمرۀ پژوهش‌های کیفی با رویکرد توصیفی- تحلیلی است و به‌عنوان پژوهشی نظریۀ آزما با استفاده از مدل و نظریه، توصیف را انجام می‌دهیم و از مدل چندفرهنگ‌گرایی ابزاری در رژیم‌های اقتدارگرای هیبریدی برای انجام تحلیل استفاده می‌کنیم. یافته‌های پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که سیاست‌های دولت نسبت به جریان‌های اسلامی هم از ابعاد و زوایای داخلی و هم از جنبه‌های بیرونی قابل توجه است. همچنین دولت در برابر جریان‌های اسلامی مختلف از سیاست واحدی پیروی نمی‌کند و سیاست‌هایی مبتنی بر تعامل و تساهل در جهت سیاست‌های تعاملی دولت و آنچه به‌عنوان حق خودگردانی از آن یاد می‌شود همچنین سیاست‌های کنترلی یا تقابلی اجرا می‌شود.

کلیدواژه‌ها


عنوان مقاله [English]

Factors Affecting the Russian Government's Policy towards Russian Islamic Currents

نویسندگان [English]

  • Amir Mohammad Haji-Yousefi 1
  • Spmayeh Pasandideh 2
1 Associate Professor of Political Science and International Relations, Department of Regional and Global Politics, Faculty of Economics and Political Science, Shahid Beheshti University
2 Ph.D. Student in International Relations, Department of Regional and Global Politics, Faculty of Economics and Political Science, Shahid Beheshti University
چکیده [English]

Introduction: The subject of the current research is to investigate the factors affecting the policy of the Russian government towards Islamic trends in Russia as a group of important minorities in this country between 1991 and 2011. One of the basic issues in multi-ethnic and multicultural societies such as Russia is the method of government policy and its management in dealing with ethnic groups and the culture of minorities. Political management in multicultural countries requires its own abilities, often each country uses its own unique policies and it may be challenging to write a single version for all countries. On the other hand, various political, social, historical, economic, etc. causes lead them to the political methods that govern them. The multicultural social structure among Western liberal democracies has somehow led to policies that increase the government's capacity to deal effectively and efficiently with ethnic and cultural pluralism within its sovereign borders. However, it is essential to note that policy-making in non-democratic systems such as Russia, which have a multicultural social structure and authoritarian political structure, has been different from the policies of democratic societies.  
Research Question: Why has the Russian government's policy towards the Islamic currents in this country fluctuated between control, confrontation, and interaction?
Research Hypothesis: It is hypothesized that the central government of Russia's policy toward Islamic currents due to some internal factors such as the nature of the hybrid authoritarian political system as well as some external factors such as the developments in the Islamic world and the emergence of groups including Taliban, al-Qaeda and ISIS and its security effects on countries such as Russia, which have significant Muslim populations, have fluctuated mainly in the form of control, confrontation, and interaction.
Methodology (and Theoretical Framework if there are): The method of this research is qualitative with a descriptive-analytical approach, and as test theory research, the description in this research is done using models and theories. The analysis uses the model called "Instrumental multiculturalism in hybrid authoritarian regimes." In this model, multiculturalism in a state that possesses both authoritarian and democratic elements is often instrumental and does not necessarily inherent in the acceptance of this concept and is used as a tool in the hands of the government to maintain cohesion and survival. In hybrid authoritarian regimes that are multicultural, they use multiculturalism as a tool to achieve their various goals. This means that, on the one hand, accepting the multicultural nature of society recognizes the rights of minorities and allows them to operate in the political and social spheres.
On the other hand, relying on its authoritarian nature, it demands the complete loyalty of these groups. In this model, governments do not always adhere to the main features of multiculturalism, such as equality, social justice, self-government and minority rights and other liberal aspects of this theory. They remain within the core components of the concept of multiculturalism only as long as the interests, security, and survival of states are not threatened. Suppose that minorities deviate from the circuit of loyalty to the state. In that case, the authoritarian nature of the state is manifested and some policies of confrontation, exclusion and marginalization or strict control and supervision of the granted democracy emerge. In explaining this model, it should be said that the concept of multiculturalism with ethnic and cultural diversity in a single political society has been accepted as a reality both in terms of positive effects and despite some security threats.
The process of this research was such that the theories of multiculturalism and authoritarianism were studied with a comparative approach, and their main and most prominent features were identified. Then, the components and assumptions of multiculturalism and authoritarianism in Russia were examined and the data obtained from this study led to the formation of the model "instrumental multiculturalism in hybrid authoritarian regimes". Based on this, the article was analyzed about the fluctuations of the government's policy towards Islamic movements.
Results and Discussion: Russia's hybrid authoritarian political system is a context that intentionally or unintentionally creates an atmosphere of control or instrumentalism of authoritarian or democratic elements in domestic and foreign politics. In other words, the government does not follow a single policy toward different Islamic currents. Instead, various policies based on interaction and tolerance are proposed in line with the interactive policies of the government and what is referred to as the right of self-government and the policies of control or confrontation. In addition, by adopting three parallel policies, the Russian government has pursued the policy of recognizing Islamic currents as the dominant intellectual current of a significant group of Muslims in this country.
Conclusion: The findings of the research show that firstly, the government's policies towards Islamic currents have both internal and external dimensions. Secondly, the government does not follow a single policy towards the Tatar and North Caucasus Islamic currents. Based on what the model of "instrumental multiculturalism in hybrid authoritarian regimes" showed, the government's policy towards the Tatar movement is based on interaction and tolerance, and in this regard, it follows the model of recognizing cultural differences. On the other hand, although the North Caucasus movement was able to gain independent power in the administration of internal and especially military affairs compared to the Tatar movement, it is witnessing more controlling or confrontational policies of the central government. By conducting a study based on the mentioned model, it was concluded that the first policy of the Russian government is interaction and tolerance with Islamic currents. Parallel to that, the policy of confrontation and strong control over radical and independence-seeking currents and the third policy is political participation and instrumental use of Islamic currents.

کلیدواژه‌ها [English]

  • Russia
  • Russian Islamic Currents
  • Instrumental Multiculturalism
  • Control
  • Confrontation
  • Interaction
Aitamurto, Kaarina (2016), “Protected and Controlled. Islam and ‘Desecularisation from Above’in Russia”, Europe-Asia Studies, Vol. 68, No. 1, pp. 182-202, (doi: 10.1080/09668136.2015.1119250).
Aghamohammadi, Morteza (2018), Russia and It’s Muslims: Looking to the Future, Toubai Mohabbate, Qom, (doi: 297.91647), [In Persian].
Baev, Pavel (2005), Chechnya and The Russian Military: A War Too Far? From Past to Future, London: Anthem Press.
Bobrovnikov, Vladimir, (2017), “Islamic Revival” in Dagestan: 25 Years Later, Central Asia and The Caucasus, Vol. 2, No. 44, pp. 142–152, (doi: 10.24848/ Islmlg.07.1.06).
Boix, Carles and Milan Svolik (2013), “the Foundations of Limited Authoritarian Government: Institutions, Commitment, and Power-Sharing in Dictatorships”, the Journal of Politics, Vol. 75, No. 2, pp. 300–316, (doi: 10.1017/ S0022381613000029).
Cohrs, Christopher and Monika Stelzl (2010), “How Ideological Attitudes Predict Host Society Members’ Attitudes Toward Immigrants: Exploring Cross-National Differences”, Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 66, No. 4, pp. 673–694, (doi: 10.1111/J.1540-4560.2010. 01670.X).
Colton, Timothy and Michael Mcfaul (2003), Popular Choice and Managed Democracy: The Russian Elections of 1999 and 2000, Washington D.C., Brookings Institution Press.
Curanovic, Alicja (2012), the Religious Factor in Russia's Foreign Policy, London, Routledge, (doi: 10.4324/9780203133279).
Curanovic, Alicja (2013), “Religion in Russia’s Foreign Policy”, New Eastern Europe, Vol. 3, No. 8, pp. 75-81, Available at: https://www.Ceeol.Com/Search/ Article-Detail?Id=426700, (Accessed on: 28/02/2022).
Dannreuther, Roland and Luke March (2008), “Chechnya: Has Moscow Won?”, Survival, Vol. 50, No. 4, pp. 97-112, (doi:10.1080/00396330802329030).
Dhont, Kristof, Arne Roets and Alain Van Hiel (2011), “Opening Closed Minds: The Combined Effects of Intergroup Contact and Need for Closure on Prejudice”, Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, No. 37, pp. 514-528, (doi: 10.1177/0146167211399101).
Eshairi, Habib (2014), Islam in Russia, Manshour Javid, Tehran, (doi: 297.91647), [in Persian].
Friedberg, Aaron (2017), the Authoritarian Challenge. China, Russia and the Threat to the Liberal International Order, the Sasakwa Peace Foundation, Available at: https://www.Spf.org/_Jpusj_Media/Img/Investigation/The_ Authoritarian_Challenge.Pdf. (Accessed on: 01/03/2022).
Gerber, Theodore (2017), “Political and Social Attitudes of Russia’s Muslims: Caliphate, Kadyrovism, or Kasha?”, Available at: https://www.Ponarseurasia.org/Political-And-Social-Attitudes-Of-Russia-S-Muslims-Caliphate-Kadyrovism-Or-Kasha/, (Accessed on: 01/03/2022).
Gilbert, Leah and Payam Mohseni (2011), “Beyond Authoritarianism: the Conceptualization of Hybrid Regimes”, Studies in Comparative International Development, Vol. 46, No. 3, pp. 270-297, (doi:10.1007/S12116-011-9088-X).
Hunter, Shirin (2004), Islam in Russia: Identity and Security Policies, Translated by Elaheh Koolaee, Seyedeh Motahara Hosseini, Tehran, Ney Publishing, [in Persian].
Ivison, Duncan (2015), Multiculturalism and Indigenous Peoples, in Oxford Handbook of Indigenous People’s Politics, (doi: 10.1093/Oxfordhb/ 9780195386653.013.17.).
Jafari, Abolfazl and Hamidreza Azizi (2021), "Factors of Emergence and Consolidation of Authoritarianism in Post-Soviet Central Asia", Central Eurasia Studies, Vol. 14, No.1, pp. 99-125, (doi: 10.22059/JCEP.2021.303852. 449934), [in Persian].
Kalanfaribaei, Mohammad Reza (2017), Islam and the Muslims of the Caucasus in a Recent Century, Al-Mustafa International Translation and Publishing Center, Qom, (doi: 297.91647), [in Persian].
Khosropanah, Abdolhossein (2009), Intellectual Flow of Contemporary Iran, Cultural Institute of Modern Islamic Wisdom Press, Qom. [in Persian].
Laruelle, Marlene (2021), Russia's Islam Balancing Securitization and Integration, Russie.Nei.Visions, Ifri, No. 125, pp.1-38, Available at: https://euagenda.eu/ upload/publications/laruelle-russia-islam-2021.pdf, (Accessed on: 03/03/2022), (doi: 20.500.12592/Bd27s9).
Laruelle, Marlene (2016), “The Ideological Shift on the Russian Radical Right: From Demonizing the West to Fear of Migrants”, Problems of Post-Communism, Vol. 57, No. 6, pp. 19–31, (doi: 10.2753/PPC1075-8216570602).
Malashenko, Alexey (2007), Islam in Russia in 2020, Moscow, Readings in European Security.
Przeworski, A., Bardhan, P. K., Kolarska-Bobinska, L., Pereira, L. C. B., Wiatr, J. J., and Bruszt, L.  (1995), Sustainable Democracy, Cambridge University Press.
Russell, Ohn (2007), Chechnya: Russia’s War on Terror, London, Routledge.
Seyed Emami, Kavous (2008), Research in Political Science, Tehran, Imam Sadegh University Press, [in Persian].
Shamrat, Abu Sufian (2018), “Authoritarianism in Russian Politics: State Reformation at Stake?”, Indrastra Global, Vol. 04, No. 5, (doi: 10.5281/ Zenodo.1246388).
Sharafutdinova, Gulnaz (2003), “Paradiplomacy in the Russian Regions: Tatarstan’s Search for Statehood,” Europeasia Studies, Vol. 55, No. 4, pp. 613–629, (doi: 10.1080/0966813032000084028).
Shin, Doh Chull (2014), “Cultural Hybridization in East Asia: Exploring an Alternative to the Global Democratization Thesis”, Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties, Vol. 25, No. 1, pp. 10-30, (doi: 10.1080/17457289.2014. 953009).
 Smith, Hanna (2014), Russia as A Great Power Status in Consistency and the Two Chechen Wars, California, University of California Press.
Yatsyk, Alexandra (2015), Promoting Islam Within the “Russian World”: the Case of Tatarstan and Chechnya, Ponars Eurasia, Available at: https://www.Ponarseurasia.Org/Promoting-Islam-Within-The-Russian-World-The-Cases-Of-Tatarstan-And-Chechnya/ (Accessed on: 03/03/2022).
Yusupova, Guzel (2017), “Cultural Nationalism and Everyday Resistance in an Illiberal Nationalizing State: Ethnic Minority Nationalism in Russia”, Nations and Nationalism, Vol. 24, No. 3, (doi: 10.1111/Nana.12366).
Zelkina, Anna (2000), the Islamic Movement in the North Caucasus: in Search of God and Freedom, Sufi Reactions to Russian Advances in the North Caucasus, translators: Elaheh Koolaee, Mohammad Kazem Shojaei, Elam, Tehran, (doi: 297.916475), [In Persian].
منابع روسی:
Джемаль, Джахидович Гейдар (1994), “Революционная Теология”, Журнал Ат_Таухид, Но. 1, Available at: https://Lib.Sale/Ideologiya-Politicheskie-Rejimi/Revolyutsionnayateologiyageydara-Djemalya-31149.Html, (Accessed on: 05/12/2021).
Шогенов, Мурат  (2011), “от Религиозной Идентичности к Религиозному Экстремизму в Кабардино-Балкарии: Идентификация и Анализ Конфликтных Полей”, Этнографическое Обозрение, Но. 2, С. 105-125, Available At: https://www.Academia.Edu/26637623/, (Accessed on: 03/12/2021).
Идрисов, Юсуп (2007), «Мусульманские Фонды и Их Задачи в Современной России», Ислам в Современном Мире, Но. 7, Available at: http://www.Idmedina.Ru/Books/Islamic/?353, (Accessed on: 03/12/2021).
Силантьев, Анатольевич Роман (2008), Энциклопедия Ислам в Современной России, Москва, Алгоритм.
Сченснович, Николаевна Валентина (2021), Внутренняя Политика Современной России; Россия и Мусульманский Мир, Том. 1, Но. 319, C. 5-14, (doi: 10.31249/Rimm/2021.01.01).
Прозоров, Михайлович Станислав (2012), Ислам на Территории Бывшей Российской Империи: Энциклопедический Словарь. Вып. 5 / Составитель и Ответственный Редактор, Москва, Восточная Литература.
Косач, Григорьевич Григорий (2020), “Исламская Дипломатия России: Организация Исламского сотрудничества”, Религия и Общество на Востоке, Но .4, C. 96-126, (doi: 10.31696/2542-1530-2020-4-96-126).
Ярлыкапов, Аминович Ахмет (2016), “ «Исламское Государство» и Северный Кавказ в Ближневосточной Перспективе: Вызовы и Уроки для России”, Международная Аналитика, Но. 3, C. 112-121, (doi: 10.46272/2587-8476-2016-0-3-112-121).