Introduction: This study examines Russia’s expanding influence over the political, military, and diplomatic structures of the Central African Republic (CAR) since 2017 as an example of asymmetric relations in contemporary international politics. The trajectory of Moscow’s engagement with CAR signals the emergence of a new neo-colonial paradigm that moves away from traditional models of development assistance and ideological interventions. Instead, it introduces a form of security-for-economic-access trading that reconfigures regional geopolitical dynamics. Understanding how Russia has positioned itself as a decisive external actor in CAR provides broader insight into the changing architecture of influence and dependency across Africa. Furthermore, the case highlights how non-Western powers use alternative modes to fill governance and security vacuums in fragile states, thereby reshaping global competition in the Post-Cold War order.
Research question: How does Russia influence the domestic and foreign policy of the Central African Republic?
Research hypothesis: To answer this question, the research hypothesis is formulated as follows: In the Central African Republic, Russia offers a model of security for- economic-access, in which the transfer of military technology and a security presence serve as a means to reshape regional geopolitical norms. While challenging traditional powers in the region, this pattern represents a new form of neo-colonialism in which goals are pursued through proxy forces rather than direct state interventions.
Methodology and Theoretical Framework: This study employs a qualitative, descriptive-analytical methodology that draws primarily on documentary and library sources; however, its analytical strength lies in a theoretical framework grounded in neo-colonialism, neo-imperialism, state capture, and proxy relations. Over the past two centuries, external actors have profoundly shaped Africa, often through neo-colonial practices. Drawing on Kwame Nkrumah’s seminal formulation of neo-colonialism and subsequent research, this framework examines how external powers use political, economic, and security instruments to advance their interests in weaker states at the expense of local populations. In this view, neo-colonialism is understood as a system through which foreign actors deploy tools that enable domestic elites to maintain regimes aligned with foreign interests, facilitate resource extraction, and reinforce asymmetric dependence. Neo-imperialism, which operates through spheres of influence, complements this view by highlighting how major powers establish near-monopoly dominance over strategically important regions.
The framework also incorporates the concept of state capture, defined as a form of corruption in which powerful domestic or foreign actors manipulate legal, political, and economic systems to serve a narrow elite. Enabled by institutional fragility, this process creates environments highly vulnerable to external intervention. Finally, the analysis draws on theories of proxy relations, which explain how foreign states exert influence through third parties, including non-state military contractors, by providing security or resources in exchange for political and economic concessions. Taken together, these concepts provide a coherent analytical framework for assessing Russian strategies and their impacts on governance and sovereignty in the Central African Republic.

Results and Discussion: Since 2017, Russia has solidified its position as the Central African Republic's (CAR) primary security partner by deploying private military contractors, most notably the Wagner Group. Although this military support has contributed to short-term stability, it has also weakened democratic institutions by centralizing decision-making and suppressing political pluralism.
Moscow’s influence extends beyond the security sector into the political sphere, where direct engagement with the president and lobbying for constitutional reforms have effectively reduced CAR’s sovereignty to a variable in Russia’s broader regional strategy. By providing security assistance without the political conditions typically imposed by Western actors, Russia has challenged France’s long-standing geopolitical monopoly and, through a combination of military, political, and intelligence operations, has positioned itself as an attractive alternative partner. This Russian approach exemplifies a form of neo-colonialism that, unlike classical colonial models, relies on proxy actors and transactional security arrangements to secure economic and geopolitical interests rather than direct rule. By embedding Russian interests in the Central African Republic’s state structures through military technology transfers and close ties with political elites, Moscow is establishing a long-term strategic foothold to exert influence through flexible, low-key means throughout the region.
Conclusion: The study concludes that Russia’s involvement in the Central African Republic represents a distinctive model of asymmetric power relations that combines security assistance, military technology transfer, and political intervention. This model has enabled Moscow to reshape CAR’s domestic political order, consolidate its regional presence, and challenge pre-existing French dominance. This case highlights a new mode of influence in international relations-one in which external powers use non-state military proxies and transactional security partnerships to rewrite regional geopolitical norms. The implications of this research extend beyond the Central African Republic. It underscores the importance of understanding how emerging powers deploy hybrid statecraft to extend their influence in fragile states. It also raises urgent questions about the long-term implications for governance, sovereignty, and stability in regions where security dependence becomes the basis of political alignment. Finally, the case of CAR shows that neo-colonial dynamics are evolving, with contemporary forms relying less on territorial control and more on strategically manipulating security vulnerabilities and domestic political processes.